August 12, 2010 | Foreing Policy

Why the UN won’t solve Western Sahara (until it becomes a crisis)

Posted By Anna Theofilopoulou, Jacob Mundy

In what is possibly a first for the mainstream U.S. media, New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof recently noted some of the parallels between Israel's occupation of Palestinian lands and Morocco's attempted annexation of Western Sahara:

"It's fair to acknowledge that there are double standards in the Middle East, with particular scrutiny on Israeli abuses. After all, the biggest theft of Arab land in the Middle East has nothing to do with Palestinians: It is Morocco's robbery of the resource-rich Western Sahara from the people who live there."

And just as one would expect, Morocco's ambassador to the United States, Aziz Mekouar, issued a prompt retort denying that Western Sahara was ever stolen. But the ambassador's logic was a bit fuzzy. "Far from stealing Western Sahara," Mekouar argued, "Morocco has offered the region autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty." Which is like saying that theft is not theft if you are willing to sell the stolen object back to the victims for a good price.

Eleven years ago, current king of Morocco, Mohammed VI, inherited one of the world's oldest thrones together with one of Africa's most intractable conflicts, the Western Sahara dispute. For his father, King Hassan II, the seizure of Western Sahara from Spain became a blessing and a curse. It was arguably Hassan's greatest achievement and yet Western Sahara soon became the greatest challenge to the consolidation of the post-colonial Moroccan state. Over a decade into his rule, Mohammed VI has yet to find a way to make good on his father's conquest and legacy in the contested Western Sahara.

The immediate history of that legacy dates back to October 1975, when Spain, which had ruled the Territory since 1885, cut a deal with Morocco rather than face a messy colonial war with its southern neighbour which was determined to seize the Territory. With strong backing from France and the Reagan administration, Morocco was able to occupy roughly two-thirds of Western Sahara but was unable to crush Polisario, given the independence movement's ultimate safe haven in Algeria. In 1988, the UN Security Council, building off the work of the Organization of African Unity, stepped into the conflict on the premise that both Hassan II and Polisario were willing to hold a referendum on either independence for Western Sahara or its integration with Morocco. A mission was dispatched in 1991 to monitor a ceasefire and organize the vote, but wrangling over the electorate took years to resolve. Then, in July 1999, Morocco's ostensible consent to a self-determination referendum died along with King Hassan II.

The current positions of the two parties, and thus the logic of the impasse, are fairly straightforward. Morocco sees Western Sahara as an integral part of its territory and so demands a solution that respects its claim of sovereignty. This position rules out a priori the key demand of Western Saharan nationalists: a referendum on independence. Polisario's view, which corresponds with international legality, is that Western Sahara is a non-self-governing territory under foreign occupation and awaiting self-determination.

These mutually exclusive positions are reinforced at the regional and international level. While Morocco's closest ally, France, and supporters like the United States and Spain, do not formally recognize Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, they nonetheless feel that Morocco's forced withdrawal from the territory would destabilize a key Middle Eastern and African friend. Western Saharan nationalism is strongly supported by North Africa's most powerful state, Algeria; Polisario's state-in-exile is recognized by the African Union as the legitimate government of Western Sahara; and Polisario receives significant backing from key G77 countries and trans-national civil society activists.

Since 2000, the United Nations has been attempting to find a solution balancing the conflict's two main buzzwords: sovereignty and self-determination. The main problem has been the Security Council's lack of will rather than any paucity of inventive solutions. For seven years, the conflict tested the imagination and patience of James Baker, who served as the UN secretary-general's personal envoy to Western Sahara from 1997 to 2004. Baker lost Morocco's confidence in January 2003 when he proposed a solution that allowed for a referendum with the choices of integration, autonomy or independence. The following personal envoy, Dutch diplomat Peter Van Walsum, lasted only three years before being unceremoniously fired by the secretary-general. He lost Polisario's confidence by suggesting that the independence option, though admittedly backed by international law, should be taken off the table because the Security Council would not force Morocco to allow or accept it. The current UN envoy to Western Sahara, former U.S. diplomat Chris Ross, appointed in January 2009 by Ban Ki-moon, is attempting to avoid a similar fate by navigating the non-existent interstice between Morocco and Polisario. Having held several meetings to discuss new proposals issued by the parties in 2007, there has been no headway and Ross' next move is not yet clear.

The current mandate of the Security Council is to find a mutually acceptable political solution that will allow for self-determination. This mandate has left many observers scratching their heads. How can the parties reach a compromise on the key issue of self-determination when UN decolonization practice has traditionally offered a plebiscite on independence? Morocco rejects the independence option and wants its autonomy proposal accepted as the basis for negotiations (thus ruling out independence). Polisario has expressed willingness to talk about power sharing but only in the context of post-referendum guarantees (where independence is still an option). Unlike the generic claim of self-determination often uttered in separatist, ethnic or nationalist conflicts, self-determination has a very specific and clear meaning in the case of Western Sahara given its international legal status as Africa's last UN recognized non-self-governing territory. To a certain extent, the United Nations' hands are tied in Western Sahara, and so it is either up to Morocco to accept the independence option or up to Polisario to give away one of its best cards.

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August 2, 2010 | Human Rights Watch

Morocco: Release or Try Sahrawi Activists Held 10 Months

Seven Facing Charges in Military Court After Visiting Tindouf Refugee Camps

(New York) - Moroccan authorities should release three well-known Sahrawi activists held since October 8, 2009, on charges of "harming state security," or provide them with a prompt and transparent trial, Human Rights Watch said today. If Morocco insists on going forward with such a trial, it should be transferred from the military to a civilian court, Human Rights Watch said.

Ali Salem Tamek, Brahim Dahane, and Ahmed Naciri are among seven Sahrawi activists who Moroccan police arrested immediately upon their return from visiting Sahrawi refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria. Moroccan authorities have provisionally released the other four activists facing the same accusations, Degja Lachgar, Yahdih Etarrouzi, Rachid Sghaier, and Saleh Lebaihi.

Unlike previous low-profile family visits by Sahrawis from the disputed, Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara to the refugee camps, this delegation openly met there with officials of the Polisario, the Sahrawi independence movement that runs a government-in-exile and administers the camps.

"In the past Morocco has unjustly imprisoned these and many other Sahrawis for their nonviolent political and human rights activism," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "And after almost a year behind bars, the world is still waiting for evidence that would justify their detention this time around."

During the activists' two-week visit to Tindouf, some Moroccan political parties and newspapers, including the organ of the prime minister's party, denounced the seven as "traitors." After their arrests, King Mohammed VI gave a speech indicating that Morocco would take a harder line toward Sahrawis who advocate self-determination for Western Sahara, which Morocco claims as part of its territory.

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August 2, 2010 | Le Monde diplomatique

How the US and Morocco seized the Spanish Sahara

Last November marked the 30th anniversary of the Sahara crisis, triggered when Morocco successfully pressured Madrid out of its desert colony in autumn 1975. Despite the United States’ denials, declassified records reveal that King Hassan’s success was made possible through US intervention.

by Jacob Mundy

On October 1975 the International Court of Justice declared - in an opinion requested by Morocco - that “the materials and information presented to it do not establish any tie of territorial sovereignty between the territory of Western Sahara and the Kingdom of Morocco or the Mauritanian entity.” Hours later King Hassan claimed the opposite. The Hague, he told his subjects, had vindicated his irredentism: 350,000 Moroccan civilians would march into the Spanish Sahara as mujahedin to “reclaim” it for the motherland.

A flurry of diplomatic activity followed. In Spain, the cabinet fell into disarray as Franco collapsed into a fatal coma. A power struggle ensued between those sympathetic to independence (colonial administrators and elements of the foreign ministry) and those worried about relations with Morocco (the ultraconservatives of the National Movement). While the latter pushed for United Nations pressure to stop Hassan’s Green March, the former initiated a contrary bilateral dialogue to arrange a mutually face-saving agreement with Rabat. But all around the leaderless Spanish cabinet feared that a messy colonial war with Morocco was at hand.

Following Hassan’s announcement of the march, the Security Council ordered Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim to consult with the parties. The major stumbling block was the Western Saharans’ right to self-determination. Since the mid-1960s the United Nations had called for the decolonisation of Western Sahara through a popular vote, and later underscored the territory’s right to independence. In 1974 Spain promised that it would soon hold a plebiscite, which had triggered Hassan’s démarche to The Hague. At the time of the crisis most elements of the Spanish government were reluctant to abandon the Sahara without either holding a referendum or passing the duty off to the UN. Morocco, on the other hand, knew that the chances of winning such a referendum were slim to none. Most observers, including the UN and the CIA, had already concluded that the territory was manifestly in favour of independence. Hassan’s strategy was to intervene before such a vote could take place.

The march went off without a hitch starting on 6 November, though that same day a Security Council resolution “deplored” it. As the Moroccan magazine Tel Quel recently noted, only small number of Hassan’s mujahedin penetrated the territory - and then promptly returned barely threatening the Spanish “line of dissuasion” 10 kilometres behind the frontier. Yet unknown to most of the world, Moroccan armed forces had already stormed into the far northeast corner of the territory on 31 October, aiming to cut off any possible Algerian counter-invasion. There Hassan’s forces met with sporadic resistance from the Polisario, by then a two-year-old independence movement.

Hassan won the highly scripted game of chicken with Madrid. He recalled his marchers on 9 November claiming that things had turned out better than expected. Indeed, on 14 November, representatives of Morocco, Mauritania and Spain announced that they had reached an agreement that would install a tripartite administration until Spain’s formal exit in early 1976. Self-determination, they claimed, would take place through a simple consultation with the colonially constituted body of tribal Saharan elders, the Jama‘a. But before that could happen, the Jama‘a dissolved itself, declaring the Polisario the true representative of the Western Saharan people. Nearly half the indigenous population rallied to the exiled flag of the Polisario in Algeria, where they remain to this day in four refugee camps near Tindouf. Self-determination, denied in 1975, is still on hold even though the UN said in 1991 that it could hold a vote within months.

War and peace
Both King Hassan and the Mauritanian president, Ould Daddah, had greatly underestimated the Polisario’s abilities to wage guerrilla warfare and also the fury of the Algerian president, Houari Boumedienne. Two features of Spain’s abandonment of the Sahara disturbed Boumedienne the most: The map of North Africa had been redrawn without Algeria’s consent and western powers had worked to marginalise Algerian interests during the crisis. A champion of national liberation movements, Boumedienne could not let this affront stand unchecked. The regime of Ould Daddah soon fell to the Saharan guerrillas, and Morocco found itself almost entirely driven out of the Sahara four years after receiving it from Spain.

Saudi, French and US aid reversed this trend for King Hassan, enabling the monarch to regain much of the territory. Excluding Egypt, Morocco has received more economic and military aid from the US than any other African country. By 1988, with the UN again involved in the conflict, Morocco was in a much better position to negotiate or not negotiate. Though there was a ceasefire in 1991, Morocco’s military hold on the territory is much the same today, if not stronger.

Not only does Morocco illegally earn billions of dollars each year from the rich fishing off the coast, but top generals in the Moroccan armed forces now have controlling stakes in those key industries. The confluence of economic and military interests in the Sahara is one of the major reasons behind Morocco’s rejectionist attitude when it comes to a referendum. Though the UN owes the Western Saharans a vote, no member of the Security Council is currently willing to force Morocco to allow such a plebiscite to take place. France and the US are more comfortable with a referendum that would ratify an autonomy agreement amiable to Morocco.

The subject of speculation
The role of the US government in the October-November 1975 crisis has been the subject of much speculation and little fact. With what scant, and often circumstantial, evidence has been available, various observers have accused the US of a range of reactions from passivity to complicity.

Not that claims of complicity were totally baseless. Three years after the crisis the Spanish parliament held an inquiry into the affair. There several officials claimed that France and the US had pressured Madrid into meeting Hassan’s demands. And the then deputy director of the CIA, Lt-General Vernon Walters, insinuated that he had intervened on behalf of the US during the crisis, a claim later echoed by other sources in the New York Times in 1981. Given Walter’s close relationship with Hassan, dating from the allied landing in Casablanca, journalist Bob Woodward once described him as the monarch’s personal case officer at the CIA.

Then there are the memoirs of Daniel Patrick Moynihan, US representative at the UN during the 1975 crisis. In an oft-quoted passage, Moynihan compared the once parallel histories of East Timor and Western Sahara: “China altogether backed Fretilin in Timor, and lost. In Spanish Sahara, Russia just as completely backed Algeria, and its front, known as Polisario, and lost. In both instances the United States wished things to turn out as they did, and worked to bring this about. The Department of State desired that the United Nations prove utterly ineffective in whatever measures it undertook. This task was given to me, and I carried it forward with no inconsiderable success.”

The US ambassador to Algeria during the crisis, Richard Parker, later wrote that it is possible that Hassan believed he had received a “green light” from the US to take the Spanish Sahara during a meeting with Henry Kissinger in the summer of 1975, though that may not have been the Secretary of State’s intention. Citing the “US’s lack of support for UN resolutions against the Green March” as kind of “circumstantial evidence” that “lends credence to the allegation” that Washington supported Hassan, Parker still felt that the “official record will never reveal the full truth.” He nevertheless concluded: “Anything was possible in that era.”

The US response to the crisis
The first sign the US government received that things were about to heat up in the Sahara was not, however, King Hassan’s 16 October announcement. Two weeks earlier the director of the CIA, William E Colby, had issued a memorandum to Kissinger that bluntly claimed: “King Hassan has decided to invade the Spanish Sahara within the next three weeks.” It claimed that Hassan feared The Hague’s opinion might not support Morocco’s claim to the Western Sahara, so a military invasion was being prepared. The monarch was also confident the Spanish military would not put up much of a fight. Additionally, as the memorandum suggested, “It is possible that Hassan has concluded that armed intervention will provoke favourable international mediation.” How Hassan might have reached this dangerous conclusion is explained. A subsequent CIA analysis added: “King Hassan apparently is being egged on by his military commanders.”

Kissinger quickly sent a letter to Hassan calling for his restraint, but did not receive a reply until 14 October. He assured the US government that he would not attack Spain, though he would not make the same promise for anyone opposing his ambitions.

The morning after the release of the ICJ’s opinion and the announcement of the Green March, Kissinger briefed President Ford and the National Security Advisor, Lieutenant-General Brent Scowcroft, in the Oval Office:

-Kissinger: Morocco is threatening a massive march on Spanish Sahara. The ICJ gave an opinion which said sovereignty had been decided between Morocco and Mauritania. That basically is what Hassan wanted.

-The President: What is likely to happen?

-Kissinger: Spain is leaning to independence. That is what Algeria would like. I will talk to the Moroccan Ambassador today.

The court, as noted above, had said something quite the opposite. Perhaps the only other person in the world who shared Kissinger’s highly partisan reading of the ICJ’s opinion was Hassan.

Following Hassan’s announcement of the Green March, Spain asked the Security Council to stop Hassan. The response, considered weak by the Spanish government, had forced Madrid to pursue a bilateral dialogue with Morocco. Visiting Hassan on a pre-scheduled trip to discuss the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Assistant Secretary of State, Alfred Atherton, reported on 22 October that Morocco and Spain had reached a mutually face-saving agreement to allow a march. They would then to use the UN to legitimate a Moroccan takeover through a controlled plebiscite, thereby allowing Spain to gracefully bow out.

In search of a formula
Even Kurt Waldheim was in on it. Speaking with Moynihan on 29 October, Waldheim said he had proposed a solution based on the “West Irian precedent.” (In 1961 Indonesia invaded Western New Guinea, now West Irian Jaya, before the Dutch colony could achieve independence. The territory was placed briefly under UN administration in 1962, and passed to Indonesia in 1963. A controversial self-determination referendum formalised Indonesian sovereignty in 1969.)

Morocco would abandon the march if Spain agreed to withdraw in early 1976; then an interim UN administration would then organise a referendum. Waldheim admitted that it would be difficult to find “some formula regarding consulting the people” agreeable to Hassan, but as a CIA brief noted at that time, “The Secretary General reportedly had earlier thought that Morocco would acquiesce to his proposal provided the UN trusteeship were ‘manipulated’ so that the territory would soon be turned over to Rabat and Nouakchott.”

On the morning of 3 November Ford, Scowcroft and Kissinger met in the Oval Office where, among other issues, the impending Green March was discussed. At this meeting it appears that Ford finalised the basic outline of US policy towards the brewing crisis based on a proposal made by Kissinger:

-Kissinger: ... On the Spanish Sahara, Algerian pressure has caused the Spanish to renege. Algeria wants a port and there are rich phosphate deposits. The Algerians have threatened us on their Middle East position. We sent messages to the Moroccans yesterday. I think we should get out of it. It is another Greek-Turkey problem where we lose either way. We could tell Hassan we would entirely oppose him; that might stop it but it would make us the fall guy. Or we could force Waldheim forward.

-President: I think the UN should take on more of these problems. God damn, we shouldn’t have to do it all and get a bloody nose.

-Kissinger: The UN could do it like West Irian, where they fuzz the “consulting the wishes of the people”, and get out of it.

-President: Let’s use the UN route.

The morning after Ford apparently set US policy, Kissinger presented a very short brief on the Sahara crisis to the same audience:

The Sahara is a mess. The Spanish Army is reluctant to appear being kicked out. Juan Carlos said Morocco could have the Sahara if they would call off the march, but they couldn’t.

On 5 November, the eve of the march, Kissinger and his staff discussed the crisis at an early morning meeting. Atherton began by summarising the latest diplomatic activity and started referring to a Spanish proposal. He was cut off before revealing the substance of the “reasonable suggestion.” Kissinger interrupted to say, “Just turn it over to the UN with a guarantee it will go to Morocco.” The Assistant Secretary of State for European affairs, Arthur Hartman, then mentioned a proposal to “escort” some of the marchers across the border, only to have Atherton jump in to give these instructions: “Let the marchers go into it ten kilometres, and let a token go all the way to [Al-‘Ayun], and having done this, turn around and go back. This has been carried back to Hassan.”

Noting that “it is coming down to the crunch,” Atherton went on to hint that this arrangement might not satisfy all Moroccans. “Hassan’s problem,” Atherton explained, “is that if he seems to cave very much, he is in difficulty at home, of course.” Kissinger then asked, “But he is going to get the territory, isn’t he?” To which Atherton replied,

-Well, he wants it 100 percent guaranteed. I think he is getting less than that - but he is getting probably the most he can hope for now in the position that the Spanish have taken. He may ...

-Secretary Kissinger: He is getting the most he can hope...

-Atherton: In the way of a promise that it will come out in the end the way he wants, after going through the UN procedure. It isn’t a 100 percent guarantee. But I don’t see that there is any more he can hope for or will have any support from anybody else.

A highly scripted affair Hartman then referenced a cable in which the Spanish government was “very explicit” about “what they would do in influencing” a referendum (ie, in Morocco’s favour).

That the march went forward without a snag, and that Spain never raised the issue of Morocco’s military invasion in the northeast of the territory, points towards a highly scripted affair. For Washington, however, there was some question as to whether or not things would turn out in Hassan’s favour.

The day after Hassan announced the withdrawal of his marchers from the Spanish Sahara, Kissinger, Scowcroft and Ford met in the Oval Office in the morning of 10 November. According to the notes of the meeting, Kissinger told them,

-Hassan has pulled back in the Sahara. But if he doesn’t get it, he is finished. We should now work to ensure he gets it. We would work it through the UN [to] ensure a favourable vote.

The meeting notes do not register a response from either Ford or Scowcroft. Given Moynihan’s memoirs, we know what happened next.

At a similar meeting on the following day, 11 November, the following exchange took place:

-President: How is the Spanish Sahara going?

-Kissinger: It has quieted down, but I am afraid Hassan may be overthrown if he doesn’t get a success. The hope is for a rigged UN vote, but if it doesn’t happen...

Unfortunately for Kissinger, the UN was unable to hold a “rigged” vote during the tripartite transitional administration, which saw half the indigenous population flee into the desert before Spain’s withdrawal in February 1976. Denied ballot box, the Polisario attempted to achieve self-determination through the gun.

In 1991 the international community again promised the Western Saharans a chance at self-determination. Though this time Hassan attempted to rig the vote by flooding the polls with non-Saharans. Rather than force his successor, King Mohammed, to accept that this effort had failed, the US supported James Baker’s 2003 proposal to allow Moroccan settlers to participate in the vote. Unwilling to trust even its own citizens, Morocco rejected this proposal. Again denied their birthright, the occupied Western Sahara saw the largest pro-independence demonstrations yet, followed by a harsh crackdown. Recent secretary-general’s reports note increased cease-fire violations on both sides.

A month after the crisis, Kissinger met with Algerian foreign minister-now president-Abdelaziz Bouteflika. He explained the paradox of US foreign policy to Bouteflika, who he called an enfant terrible. “To prevent the Green March,” Kissinger explained, “would have meant hurting our relations with Morocco, in effect an embargo.” Bouteflika countered, “You could have done it. You could stop economic aid and military aid.” Kissinger offered a rejoinder: “But that would have meant ruining our relations with Morocco completely.” Bouteflika persisted, and insisted that the US government favoured one side. “I don’t think we favoured one side,” Kissinger said. “We tried to stay out of it.” But, as he added, “To take [your] position, we would have had to reverse positions completely.”

In 1976 the renowned scholar of international law, Thomas Franck, rightly described US policy during the crisis as “an act of political expediency grounded in East/West political alliances.” Much the same could be said about US’s “neutral” policy towards the Western Sahara conflict today, if not other conflicts involving suppressed national self-determination. The only difference between 1975 and 2005 is the justificatory geo-political context, from cold war to war on terror, where we are led to believe that our avowed neutrality is a luxury we cannot yet afford. But the persistence of the Western Sahara conflict demonstrates the shortcomings of US’s “neutral” Saharan policy. Not that Washington has realised this in the past 30 years.

July 30, 2010 | Diagonal

Abdelkader Taleb Omar, Saharawi Prime Minister: "We reached the end of an era with the UN"

Abdelkader Taleb Omar

In recent weeks, the Polisario has announced its withdrawal of MINURSO. This decision comes following the extension of the mission without human rights monitoring, with Abdelkader talk about it.

Héctor Rojo Letón (Drafting)

DIAGONAL:Why are more and more away from the MINURSO mission?
ABDELKADER TALEB OMAR: The new resolution extends and establishes the stalemate in resolving the problem. It shows a great weakness of the UN, and not talking about human rights and the other 16 missions which makes it similar. This is not a break but do not want to stay the same. Hopefully serve as a message of anger and protest from the Western Sahara. Both Moroccan and French say that human rights are not respected by both parties. We are willing to accept this control in refugee camps and the occupied territories. But Morocco does not want, is to demonstrate that they have something to hide.

D.: Does this mean failing to recognize the role of UN mediation to resolve the conflict?
A. T. O.: For over 20 years waiting for its resolutions and fulfill its mission. The Sahrawi not going to keep holding without limits. We have not decided to return to arms, we bet on proposed non-violent and peaceful resistance. The Polisario directive now assesses the situation of the peace process and UN involvement, if this does not advance should begin preparations for a return to arms. And in the next Congress, the leadership will be questioned about it. The need to continue with the UN, in the previous Congress, was one of the most discussed. We are nearing the end of an era in our relationship with the United Nations.

D.: In December or January should reach the next Congress, but could be delayed. Is it related to the problems of the UN?
A. T. O.: This option has the national board in August will decide the date, if it's already scheduled or delayed. If it slows down is nothing new, is common. Some argue that every three years is too expensive. A Congress should provide design solutions and strategies, and all conditions must be conducive to this. It is no secret that the majority of the Sahrawi position is a return to arms and has lost faith in the UN. I, as Prime Minister, I know that reality. I'm no stranger to the people, their thoughts, their reactions. We hope and expect something to happen to advance. We can not keep her hands folded watching time passes.

D.: What international decisions could slow the possibility of a return to arms?
A. T. O.: The French are clear that is used to annex the Sahara to Morocco, because the facts have shown that this is not useful for stability in the region. This has slowed the development of democracy and economic development in Morocco itself. Keeping this situation could lead his people into the vicinity of extremism and Islamic radicalism. Spain, as partly responsible for this tragedy, must work for their own prestige and achieve self-determination in Western Sahara. We are a physically and culturally close country. It's time for a different vision of the '70s.

D.: Is the situation in the occupied territories the most difficult to manage for the Polisario?
A. T. O.: There is daily live drama, Morocco is controlled by fire and sword. Now also mobilized civilian settlers. Moroccan civilians are used to attack the Saharawi and their police forces involved. Similar Indonesian militias clashed with the Timorese when they saw they were going to lose. The tension continues, no progress to create an atmosphere of understanding.

"The intifada has no brake"
A.T.O.: The liberation struggles have never been analyzed from the standpoint of balance of power between the parties. All have left an uneven balance, the colonialism is always higher human and material. But those moves lower in media create a destabilization of the enemy to surrender and force him to accept the right of the people. There are many examples in Africa, Asia and Latin America. In this experience we are confident and that is where we start to believe we can force Morocco to give up. In addition, the intifada in the occupied territories continues. It is a popular movement, a cause embraced by an entire people. And it will be on their way to find a solution. It has no brakes.

July 27, 2010 | Saharawi Human Rights Activists

Saharan family protests their marginal situation occupied El Aaiun

Laayoune Western Sahara occupied territories. July 26, 2010.

Sahrawi human rights activists.

The Saharawi human rights defender Hamad Hammad, yesterday denounced the situation of several Sahrawi families in the city of El Aaiun who have been forced to leave the city and set up their traditional tents in a desert where they were camping with their cattle formerly located 40 miles east of El Aaún.

According to Hamad families were surprised by the Moroccan gendarmerie patrols and forced him to storm into the town. Sahrawi families did not have houses in the city law and social demands that required the administration of Moroccan occupation. Said Hamad Saharan families to revisit camping in the desert if the authorities do not seek a solution to their legitimate demands for decent housing at home and schooling for their children. The protest of these families has been hysterical and Moroccan authorities do not know how to control social unrest among the Saharawi population in the words of Sahrawi human rights defender Hamad Hammad.

July 23, 2010 | Sahara Today

“I've been beaten since I was a girl”

Hayat Rguibi

These days, they have posted images of this woman in pain, on the ground after being beaten and clubbed by the police bloody Sunday night, appears in another photograph in the middle of a mass of people, swollen neck veins , raised fist, making the sign of victory with which they express their struggle for Sahrawi independence. It is one of human rights activists returning from visiting the camps of Tindouf.

But next day, Hayat Rguibi, sitting on the floor in the corner of a room in a typical Western Sahara is also an adolescent of only 19 who blushes when his friend, who is acting as a translator, Nasty throws innuendo. And dissolves in nervous laughter when we tell that make a good match. A teenage girl, for making this trip, you can not attend the school, where he was studying computer science. But that still aspires to learn languages, and even put to dream, to become "a lawyer, to defend my people."

For now, being so young, already has a name in the Intifada. It activist since age 14. She was born under occupation and in the current circumstances, unfortunately, seem more realistic aspirations also says in this regard: "It's good that everyone knows who you are, if it is what I aspire to respect me for my fight .

The delegation which took part is the seventh since last October visit the camps, the seventh made by human rights activists. Until then, were those who, under an agreement between the Polisario and Morocco, were chosen for a program called Bridge of trust, and who were accompanied by UN personnel. But leaders say Saharan Morocco to use that bridge just let those who can not protest, selects those businesses, or families in the jail, any circumstance that prevents them from speaking out when they reach the camps. " So now they are doing to get these activists.

In Tindouf, where Hayat has been five days, met with relatives who did not know, but which had for years been hearing about, but all he says, are somehow family. The older they began to mourn to see them. "We ask the Moroccan oppression, want to know how we live here and shed tears to see that there are young people struggling as they have done," he narrates.

However, what shocked him most was "seeing with my eyes that there is a country with a government, very intelligent people struggling to be free, it was very exciting, the truth is that I have no words to explain what I felt" . Nor to describe "the sadness of seeing that our country is split in two, it hurts a lot," he adds.

There was a key event in his life, after which he joined a peaceful struggle, but active, although "the cause", that freedom to which they aspire Sahara, the breastfed from birth. "I've seen many people hitting, beating, since I was a kid, since I remember, when you are small sometimes the police come in class, my parents have been beaten in front of me." So, however difficult it may be understood from the outside to make the children participate in events such as Sunday, when police, upon arrival, charged dozens of people waiting to receive them and had to dig in a home for all night, she seems normal: "It's good they are, to know their cause is not too hard, not so accustomed." A shock, he says, is going to have to get used to but do not want. In his case, has been through. Detentions, torture and even confesses in a whisper "attempted rape."

For Hayat, so that night is normal. "I'm glad there was Spanish, because if not, have entered into the house from the start, but do not want people to see, to know what happens." How can we explain such violence? "In any country occupied, the occupant crushes the busy, they say that we are all Moroccan, and do not want to come out to say that you are Saharan, or that our message reaches the occupied territories to the camps, we are spokesmen for something they want hide. "

But that is not going to stop, he said. She knew the risk and, even so, when the Frente Polisario chose to join the team was "honest." "I expected this reception, yes, but I'm willing to do anything for my country, give our lives if necessary." As she had several more students in the group. Afaf El Houcain or inguinal Elhaouassi, adding to the conversation, say that, if previously registered ones, "now, but we do not care."

"It's just that these women are very brave," said the translator. It is true that women, at the level of activism, are in the front row. There are no distinctions for men. Her large references are Aminatu Haidar and Algaliya Djim. "The most great!" Says Afaf.

So what do you think that there is no female presence in the Polisario Front, in the government?. "Women struggle, and is a very important part as well, but we wish they were also coming to power, entering the government, I believe we will become slowly," analyzed.

There are a couple of ideas that all want to make clear, the translator crazy for a moment: "The Sahrawi people will keep fighting, do not want money from Morocco, nor expect anything good from them, of course. So the Spanish are very grateful to our supporters, but they must press their government and the rest of Europe to do something. "

Laura Gallego

July 23, 2010 | Before It's News

Western Sahara: Polisario Front condemns brutal oppression against defenseless Sahrawi citizens

Western Sahara

The Polisario Front expressed Monday condemnation of Moroccan new brutal repression against dozens of unarmed Sahrawi citizens, including activists of human rights, simply because peacefully demanding their right to self-determination and independence.

The Secretary-General of the Polisario Front, president of the Republic, Mohamed Abdelaziz, has called, in a letter to Mr. Ban Ki-moon, UN secretary general, to “take an urgent action to ensure the protection of human rights in the occupied Western Sahara, including an effective UN mechanism for this purpose.”

July 22, 2010 | Canarias Ahora

Moroccan Dictatorship

The cruel dictator Moroccan

Morocco again shows its true face dictatorial in Laayoune. In the neighborhood of Casa Piedra what should be a welcome feast of eleven human rights activists who came from Tindouf, became a night of terror, the attack on peaceful citizens. The activists took refuge in a house that was besieged by the Moroccan police. From within the Sahrawi blocked the doors and windows to prevent the occupation forces entering from outside the police threw stones and attacked anyone who dared to peek into the street.

Guinguinbali.com journalist, Laura Gallego, directly witnessed the events and that some children suffered anxiety attacks and were attacked by the Moroccans. Three Spanish citizens were also victims of their aggression: Javier, Cecilia and Lorena Lopez. The representative of the House of Spain came to the house besieged by the police to pick up the Spanish and their protection. Upon leaving the house the police seized the cameras and Laura Gallego Lorena Lopez, a whole show that Morocco professes to respect freedom of expression.

After 34 years of waiting peacefully. After a lost generation that was born in a land occupied by Morocco against the criterion of the UN and other generations who lived through the Spanish colonialism. After three decades of breaches of UN resolutions by the monarchy Allawi. After twenty years of delay of the referendum which was to give a solution to the conflict. Why international community is awaiting the call to ask Morocco to respect the rights of the Saharawi people?

More questions: What have to say the Spanish government and opposition to the abuses suffered three Spanish citizens in Laayoune on Monday? "Esperanza Aguirre organize a tribute to those assaulted as that promoted white ladies Cuba? You have nothing to say the PP de Canarias, both attacked their president Hugo Chávez and the Cuban government? Do be quiet though Lorena Lopez, one of the girls who was attacked, was adviser to the council during President José Manuel Soria? Moratinos will ask for the release of Saharawi political prisoners could be sentenced to death?

Djimi Galia, a member of the Sahrawi Association of Victims of Grave Human Rights Violations Committed by the Moroccan State, told us Monday in The laced his experience as a political prisoner for 3 years and 7 months at a secret prison in Morocco. He shared a cell with Aminatu Haidar, whom she considers her sister. "Aminatu and I are of the least have suffered, others endured over 17 years in secret prisons, my mother is missing," he told Gaul. Sahrawi activist showed me the scars from the bites of dogs that the Moroccan police took his cell to scare her and her fellow captives. Aminatu Haidar had begun a hunger strike and they thought joining the protest. But the guards brought their dogs loose up until they were forced to eat.

With his election pantomime, with their parties promoted by Mohamed VI, his supervised release, Morocco is a dictatorship that Europe treated as privileged partner. Morocco sells tomatoes and democracy by the same methods: using fraud. A partner in Europe's interest in the area to stop to Algeria and Mauritania. The Saharawi people has become a commodity that the authorities in Rabat use in their negotiations. "Hey I'll sell tomatoes Brussels cheap and I'll buy my silence about atrocities in the Sahara." At the UN France Morocco protects, prevents MINURSO has the capacity to monitor compliance with human rights in Western Sahara. Spain is also often point to the protection of Rabat in international institutions.

Morocco's allies say that an independent Sahara would become an Islamist state. They hide the reality: the Saharawi are a people who have resisted peacefully for more than 30 years, living with the Moroccan occupied Western Sahara. You ask the children who suffered anxiety attacks in the neighborhood of Casa Piedra, who asked the mothers who could not go out looking for milk bottles, you ask them who are the terrorists living Laayoune? what color is your uniform?

JUAN GARCÍA LUJÁN

July 19, 2010 | GuinGuinBali

Brutal assault by dozens of injured police in Laayoune

The reception of eleven Sahrawi activists returning from Tindouf to Laayoune tonight has become a pitched battle. Moroccan police have charged against Sahrawi 300 who had gathered to greet them. Laura Gallego, GUINGUINBALI journalist, is in the house that is now (1.00 GMT) surrounded by the police. The wounded, with gaps in the head and bruises all over his body, more than thirty. Among those hit are two Spanish citizens.

The return to Laayoune of eleven Saharawi human rights activists who traveled last week to the refugee camps has been traumatic. Moroccan police have made this reception in a brutal beating that killed dozens of wounded in one of the houses in which they awaited the arrival of the Sahrawi.

The police charged without a word against everyone who attended the celebration. Among them were five Spanish citizens who are in good condition. Two are now in a hotel in the Saharawi capital, while the other three remain in the house which is now surrounded by police.

Laura Gallego, GUINGUINBALI journalist, falls into this home that has, at this hour of dawn, the windows boarded up because the police waiting at the exit does not stop throwing objects and stones at the house. Several of the people in the house under siege, have tried to leave but have returned with severe injuries to his body. "As if they had been beaten," said Laura Gallego with whom we have spoken since the drafting of GuinGuinBali.

Spanish citizens, two of which have also been beaten, and have applied for consular protection from Rabat had informed them that they would send to the depositary of Spanish goods in the Western Sahara to take charge of the situation tonight.

In recent months, many human rights activists have visited the Tindouf camps and often on his return to organize some kind of receipt by the Sahrawi. However, the level of violence exhibited tonight Moroccan police, who charged without notice to blow clean and even stones against Spanish citizens who were present, has been described as "unprecedented" for expert legal sources in the Sahara issue.

Throughout the day informed of developments as they occur from Laayoune, thanks to the presence of Laura Gallego in the capital of the former Spanish colony.

July 7, 2010 | WSRW

Nordic parliamentarians call for halt of unethical EU fisheries

Press release
Western Sahara Resource Watch
7 July 2010

32 parliamentarians from Finland, Sweden and Denmark today requested the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of their countries to prevent renewed EU fisheries in occupied Western Sahara.

“We urge the governments of Denmark, Finland and Sweden, to actively and jointly work to prevent an automatic prolongation of the EU-Moroccan fisheries agreement as long as Western Sahara is not clearly excluded from its application”, stated the letter, urging that the EU fisheries offshore the occupied territory terminate.

The EU is currently paying its tax payers money to the Moroccan government to be able to fish in offshore Western Sahara, a territory that Morocco has occupied.

Sweden, Denmark and Finland all treated the 2007-2011 EU-Moroccan fisheries agreement seriously when it was first debated in the European Council in 2006. Sweden voted against the agreement, stating it was in violation of international law. Denmark and Finland also raised concerns about the legality of the agreement. Finland abstained from the vote, underlining that the Saharawi people must be consulted. The European Commission has since ignored the conditions the Finnish government set in its separate statement in 2006.

The letter from the parliamentarians point to a Legal Opinion of 2009, made by the Legal Service of the European Parliament, which concluded that the conditions for respecting international law have not been met: there is no proof that the Saharawi people has been consulted, nor that it has benefited from the agreement. During the three years of fisheries, the Commission has not been able to present a single piece of information showing the contrary. Both the Saharawi representative, formally recognised by the UN, the Polisario Front, and all major Saharawi civil society organisations have made clear statements against the present agreement and any new version that includes their own territory.

July 3, 2010 | CODESA

Assault police Moroccan Sahrawi activist

Muhammad Errabaa

A young man Saharan named Muhammad Errabaa was arrested last June 13, 2010 by members of the bloodthirsty Moroccan police in the Moroccan town of Tan-Tan. The youth was arrested for wearing a military uniform similar to the Saharawi Army.

The young Sahrawi was surprised when I sat on the terrace of a cafe in the city by members of the Moroccan police in plain clothes and uniformed and led by the officer, Abdul Jalil, Ait Aziz, who ordered his legs shackled and hands on inside the police car and subjected to severe beatings before being transferred to the police station Judicial Department Regional Security.

And once inside the police station was subjected to torture and ill-treatment and subjected to interrogation for more than eight hours, causing injuries and bruises covering all parts of the body. Regional Hospital was evacuated to the Hassan II and later he produced a fake file with misdemeanors with which the police try to justify the arbitrary arrest.

After several hours of physical torture, which left traces all over your body young Saharawi, was released without charges by the brutal Moroccan police without being informed of the true reasons for their arbitrary detention, torture and ill-treatment in the police car and its dependencies.

IAJUWS

CALL FOR TRIAL:
Activists against Saharawi Human Rights Defenders

Signaling: July 08, 2010 (Thursday)

Tribunal: CRIMINAL COURT OF MARRAKECH (Morocco)
Appellate Judgement pointed Saharawi activists BRAHIM BARYAZ, and ABLAGH ALI SALEM, student, arrested in late 2008 and charged with Attempted Murder. This trial was suspended for the fifth time last Tuesday, 04 May with the presence of International Observers LawyersMARÍA DE AFRICA SÁNCHEZ-BAYTON SÁNCHEZ and JOSÉ LUIS LASO D´LOM, Lawyers of Spain (General Council of Spanish Lawyers-CGAE)
We have proceeded to draw a new date on 08 July 2010 at 09:00

Recall
Tribunal: Criminal Court Marrakech (Morocco)
Accused:
BRAHIM BARYAZ, and ABLAGH ALI SALEM, University students "Hassan II" Settat, were arrested on 20/10/2008 in the city of Goulimine, and transferred three days later to the prison in Marrakech, which remain from that date.
SAID ELWABAN, student detained after the previous incumbent on the same charge.
Indictment: Attempted murder.
The trial was suspended on four previous occasions, all of them for not being transferred from the Prison Inzegan to the Court of Marrakech one of the prisoners.
Under Moroccan law solely for the King's Attorney (Prosecutor) transfer responsibility and status of the prisoners, and none of the above views, which have resulted in suspension has been requested by the Court Attorney to arrange the necessary actions to ensure the presence of all defendants in the act of Judgement, despite being requested by the Defence Counsel.
In recent suspensions (Tuesday 09/04/2010) attended the International Observers Lawyers (D. JESÚS MARÍA MARTÍN MORILLO, Dña. Mª VICTORIA COUCE CALVO, Dña. Mª EUGENIA PRENDES MENÉNDEZ, D. IÑIGO GOROSTIZA JIMÉNEZ, Dña ANA Mª CASADO GIMÉNEZ, y Dña. MIRIAM CAMPELO GUTIÉRREZ Spain (General Council of Spanish Lawyers-CGAE)

With regard to Said Elwaban, the trial was suspended last day 03/06/2010 by the absence of the other two defendants, considering this time the Court that the three defendants should be enjuciados in the same document to be of the same facts in the same proceeding. This consideration involves a change in the Tribunal's view that the meeting judgmental celbrada in the month of May.

Attend the trial LAWYERS INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS:

- D. FERNANDO GOMILA MERCADAL, Lawyer - Spain (CGAE)
- D. JUAN JIMÉNEZ VIDAL, Magistrate - Spain (CGAE)

June 22, 2010 | Algeria News

UNICEF office in Sahrawi refugees’ camps to open shortly

Manuel Fontaine

ALGIERS- An office of the United Nations Children's Funds (UNICEF) will open shortly in Sahrawi refugeee's camps, the UN agency announced Wednesday in Algiers. "we will open UNICEF office in Sahrawi refugees' camp in the last quarter of 2010, in order to daily work with refugees and get closer to them," UNICEF representative in Algiers, Manuel Fontaine, told APS on sidelines of the meeting organized on the occasion of the Day of African Child. He said this initiative aims at promoting the presence of UNICEF in the region and make efforts, in coordination with Algeria, for taking in charge Sahrawi children, namely in vaccination, child and mother health, in addition to education. He pointed out that the office that will be opened in Sahrawi refugees' camps will depend from UNICEF office in Algiers and "will work in continuity of the engaged programmes," it will strive for the "adaptation of the programmes to the needs."

June 20, 2010 | Carlos Ruíz Miguel

Morocco torture the son of a former Mauritanian president

Sidi Mohamed Uld Haidalla

If Morocco torture the son of former Mauritanian head of state, we can imagine what to do with the other detainees. It is an international scandal. In 2007, Sidi Mohamed Ould Haidalla, son of former head of state of Mauritania from 1980 to 1984 he was arrested in Morocco on a matter of drug trafficking. In 2008 he was tried and convicted. Before you judge him, Morocco blackmailed the former Mauritanian president into supporting the coup that took place in that country in August 2008 under the Franco-Moroccan inspiration. But the transfer to blackmail no avail. The makhzan continues its brutal revenge against Haidalla who committed the "sin" to recognize the Sahrawi Republic. Haidallah, desperate has written an open letter to heads of state with good relations with Morocco denouncing the torture suffered by asking his son and humane treatment.

I. 1984: MAURITANIA recognize the SADR

IN 1975, Morocco, Mauritania and Spain signed a tripartite agreement on the Spanish Sahara illegal to establish a temporary tripartite administration until February 1976, without holding a referendum on self-determination. Following this illegal agreement, Morocco and Mauritania invaded the territory with his troops beginning the War of the Sahara. Soon after, in April 1976, Morocco and Mauritania shared the Western Sahara.
Mauritania until 1979 was at war with the Polisario Front. In August of that year, Mauritania signed a peace agreement with the Polisario Front.
On February 27, 1984, Mohamed Ould Haidalla Juna, was president of Mauritania recognized the Saharawi Republic.
It was the first major award that has had the SADR, she came from, who had been occupying the territory and had been illegally annexed.

II. 2007: THE SON OF Haidalla arrested and convicted of a drug deal

In 2007, Sidi Mohamed Ould Haidallah, son of the then former Mauritanian president Ould Haidallah, was arrested in Morocco for allegedly being part of an organization dedicated to drug sales. If the arrest was responding to certain facts or was it something to stop dithering Haidallah's son is something I do not know.

III. 2008: Haidalla is blackmail by the Makhzen AND HIS SON IS CONDEMNED

In August 2008, there was a coup in Mauritania. And ends with the first democratic experience to northern Africa. Behind the coup warned that the "hand" Franco-Moroccan. The fact is that USA and the African Union condemned the coup, but the government of Rodriguez Zapatero and Foreign Minister Moratinos, supported the coup government. Another example of the submission of Rodriguez and Moratinos to the wishes of France and Morocco.
The coup government of Mohamed Ould Abdelaziz, was beset internally and internationally. Needed support. And in this context, "chance" he met with the support of Ould Haidalla. Before her son was tried, the makhzan Haidalla blackmailed to take a stand publicly in favor of the Franco-Moroccan coup in Mauritania. Desperate attempt to save his son, Haidalla made the mistake of giving in to blackmail, and on 29 August 2008 called the Mauritanian "close ranks" around the coup the military junta. Tellingly, the statement was taken by the MAP, the official news agency closely linked to the Moroccan secret service makhzan.
The transfer to blackmail that only served to humiliate makhzan who inflicted the most severe diplomatic defeat: Haidalla's son was convicted and jailed for "justice" of makhzan, which the EU itself lacks independence and impartiality. It is in the prison of Salé, near Rabat.

June 17, 2010 | Afrol News

Sahrawi refugee to court: "I'm not a slave"

Fetim Salam Hamdi with one
of her four children

Sahrawi refugee Fetim Salam Hamdi has been portrayed as a slave in a poorly translated documentary film. But Ms Hamdi insists she is a free woman and now goes to court to stop the film's screaning.

The Australian documentary film "Stolen", shot in the Algeria-based refugee camps housing over 100,000 Sahrawi refugees last year, portrays the Ms Hamdi as a slave. Ms Hamdi herself claims to have been shocked as she first saw the result of the filming, alleging massive manipulation in scenes and translations.

This week, "Stolen" will be screened at the Norwegian Short Film Festival unless Ms Hamdi and her lawyer, Andreas Galtung, are not successful in getting a court order to stop the screening. They claim the screening is "an offence of her dignity."

"It is an offence to Fetim to be presented as a slave. The proofs clearly document that there is clear manipulation in the film material, and it is sad that the Short Film Festival does not show consideration for her by stopping today's screening", stated Mr Galtung today.

Ms Hamdi is the mother of four children, and a kindergarten teacher in the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria. In "Stolen", however, she is said to have been kidnapped by her present "slave owner" and put to hard forced work. Several statements from Ms Hamdi, the "slave owner" and her family members are presented as "proof" she is held as slave.

But all these statements in Arabic turn out to be wrongly translated. When the film had its premiere in Australia last year, also translators from 'Al Jazeera', working for Australian TV, reacted to the totally wrong English subtitles of the Arabic dialect used in the refugee camps. A certified translator that the filmmakers claim to have used, has himself heavily criticised the subtitles, and has stated that his corrections had not been used in the film.

In one of the central scenes, Ms Hamdi's own sister and mother said "It is not true" and "she [Fetim] was not kidnapped", to the questions from the filmmaker whether the main character was stolen as a child. But in the subtitles from the same scene, the women are quoted that Ms Hamdi was kidnapped and is controlled by the woman portrayed as a slave owner. None of the interviews in the movie support the claims from the filmmakers that Ms Hamdi had been "stolen".

According to Ms Hamdi's supporters, almost all the scenes in which the main character is shown, "have been deliberately subtitled erroneously." On two occasions in the film, the audience is given the impression that Ms Hamdi is ordered to carry out work, "but in both cases the subtitles are pure fantasy," her supporters say.

"The worst thing is that the lies do not only affect Fetim and her family, but also stigmatising the entire people. The Sahrawi people have gone through extreme ordeals, and it is sad that when they finally get some attention, it is based on a scam. The short film festival has an ethical responsibility, and it is a scandal that they knowingly accept giving legitimacy to a propaganda movie", comments J?rn Sund-Henriksen of the Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara.

Not only Ms Hamdi is portrayed in a "disrespectful" way, the Committee holds. "The movie makers have also abused the rest of her family, such as her 15 year old daughter. The toughest treatment, was perhaps given to the claimed slave owner, who with use of consistently erroneous subtitles, and the moviemakers' narration, is accused of kidnapping. No proof is given," it adds.

The Sahrawi people of Western Sahara traditionally kept slaves, but during Spanish colonial rule, this tradition was mostly done away with. The Polisario government ruling in the refugee camps claims to have rooted out the last remnants of this slaveholding tradition among the Sahrawis.

May 9, 2010 |

The Sahrawi human rights defenders, The six prisoners of conscience

hunger strikers sahrawiFrom the Local Prison of Salé, Morocco An Open Letter to All Those Who Supported Us

We greet you very warmly….

We must first apologise for being all this late in thanking all those who supported us. That was not certainly because of the daily constraints that come after suspending a hunger strike, but it was rather due to our conscious awareness of our incapacity to generate an intellectual, linguistic production that can guarantee a minimum of equity to you.

In other words, it was very difficult for us to adequately qualify the exceptional militant action you have been doing. It was exceptional in its honesty and perseverance; an action which was characterised by its continuous creativity in ending up an atmosphere of satisfaction towards an unacceptable reality in the Western Sahara, existing against the international and humnitarian laws.

This reality is being hidden from the whole world. It is being marketed under the names of "Stability and Development". It hides unimaginable crimes, and it is being supervised by France, unfortunately; the country which pretends that its legitimity has been founded on the defense of liberties. Meanwhike, it is offering Morocco the umbrella to continue its prosecution of the peaceful Sahrawis in the occupied part of the Western Sahara.

Not only did your invaluable support help us, as Sahrawi hunger-striking prisoners in the Moroccan jails, overcome whatever difficulties and continue our struggle, but it also set up a large dynamism which gathered different defenders of human dignity to denounce, in strong and collective ways, the inhuman crimes perpetrated against the Sahrawi civilians in the occupied part of the Western Sahara.

Hence, a mending measure has to take place as soon as possible; that is to say, an urgent need to adequate laws as far as the protection of human rights is concerned has now become indispensible. Simply put, a mechanism to monitor human rights in the Western Sahara has to be included in the mandate of the Minurso on the ground.

For these reasons, we should like to address our gratitudes to the international and Moroccan human rights organisations, namely Amnesty International, which has been leading a strong campaign through its branches, Frontline, Human Rights Watch, R. F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights in the USA, the Moroccan Association of Human Rights, Al Wassit ( =The Mediator) Organisation for Democracy and Human Rights (Morocco), The Moroccan Forum For Truth and Equity, The Moroccan National Body for the Solidarity with all the Political Prisoners, the members of the defense body, who had been following our arrest from the start, the Sahrawi committees and organisations such as The Local Committee of Salé (composed of Sahrawi defenders and university students), the continental and regional parliaments such as the European Parliament, The African Parliament, the national parliaments from Germany, Portugal, Italy, Spain, Sweden, South Africa, Nigeria,etc. Our thanks also should be addressed to various governmental institutions, The National Commmittee Responsible for Following the Sahrawi political prisoners' conditions, hunger striking in the Moroccan jails, The Coordination Committee in Spain, the different political parties, trade unions and associations in Europe, Latin America, Africa and Australia, the civil society in both Spain and Algeria, The Algerian National Committee of the Solidarity with the Sahrawi People, Annahj Addimoqrati (=the Democratic Path) party from Morocco, some Moroccan noble journalists, The Christian Religious Movement all over the world, the Nobel Prize-winners in different fields, the Committees and associations of solidarity with the Sahrawi people, the mass media in different forms such as TV channels, radios, newspapers and websites, the lawyers, human rights campaigners, journalists, artists, poets, actors, film-makers, musicians, sportspeople, the families of the disappeared and the kidnapped and the political prisoners, and finally the brave Sahrawi people wherever it is and the Sahrawi students at the Moroccan universities and abroad.

To all these and those whom we have not been able to mention, we say millions of thanks; We were deeply moved by your help and we will never forget your historical support. It is obvious that it embodies the strong will of all the noble people in this world to struggle for the prevailing of human honest values until the dignity of Man is imposed.

Again, thank you very much ….

And long live the international solidarity movement worldwide for the respect of human rights in the Western Sahara and the world.

The Sahrawi human rights defenders, the six prisoners of conscience:

-Ali Salem Tamek
-Brahim Dahan
-Ahmed Naciri
-Yahdih Ettarrouzi
-Rachid Sghayar
-Saleh Lebaihi

April 21, 2010 | Público

Health worsens Saharawi prisoners on hunger strike

An aide of a striker complained that "they have trouble getting around and go in a wheelchair"

The life of the Saharawi activist Ali Salem Tamek is turned off at times. He began a hunger strike for 34 days and for three is hospitalized and is feared for his life, according to people familiar. On October 8, 2009, Tamek was arrested along with six other activists who were returning from a trip to refugee camps in Tindouf (Algeria) just landed in Casablanca.

There they met with family members who had been decades without seeing, but the Moroccan authorities accused them "of acting against national security" and jailed them.

In the immediate future could be brought before a military court and be sentenced to death. But time passes and still no trial date set. So last month, tired of being in limbo Moroccan version decided on a final protest: a hunger strike would be until they were tried or released.

Medical complications
Since then it has been over a month and have made 30 other Sahrawi prisoners have joined the strike, adding the request for improvements in prison conditions.

"Everyone has trouble getting around and go in a wheelchair. They have lost between 7 and 14 kilos in the last week. Are common stomach aches, joint aches, fevers and heart rhythm disturbances," he reported to the Public from Morocco the aide of one of the strikers.

The situation of Tamek, 36, is especially delicate because your body is already severely weakened by the 21 previous hunger strikes and harsh conditions in Moroccan prisons. Suffer gastrointestinal complications, asthma and rheumatism.

Team-mate Brahim Dahan, another human rights defenders in Western Sahara-known, suffers from severe ulcer.

Still, have decided their protest until the last consequences. "They feel good morally to be a fair and legal fight and are not afraid to try them a military court because they have a clear conscience. They think they are now the Moroccans who are afraid," says the insider interviewed.

They also have doctors who care for them trying to play down the health problems they suffer, because the attribute "to the hungry," he adds.

The Polisario Front Believes That the Moroccan Government has shifted gears and now Applies to new fear That Punishment for more Prisoners in Jails STI to join the hunger strike.

His deputy in Spain, Bucharaya Beyún, reported yesterday that the last groups that have returned from Tindouf "have been arrested on landing at Casablanca as the Group of Seven, but instead have been beaten on his arrival in Laayoune.

This happened, according Beyún, with the group that arrived last month, consisting of 12 persons, and the last week of 16 members. Beyún fears that the 10 Saharawi who left yesterday to Tindouf direction from Casablanca are repressed in the same way.

They ask for a fair trial
"All I ask is a fair trial or to release them," says the representative of the Frente Polisario. "They have more than six months in detention awaiting trial," he adds. "The worst is is Ali Salem Tamek, which takes three days in the hospital," confirms Beyún.

Tamek's daughter, Thawra, just made an emotional appeal for his release. "My father, whom I love, I called Thawra (Revolution) to be the first word I heard and wanted to reply (...), it was the seed of a revolution that grows, resists, which remains "Thawra said.

Tamek's daughter confesses that she fears that her father loses his life in this hunger strike, but swears he will not surrender: "I will continue to mourn at high free my father, released all of its peers and not to go away return. We have become orphans, we have separated, and taken away. Do not you already paid for all the crimes you have committed? ".

April 11, 2010

Morocco must end harassment of Sahrawi activists

Ali Salem Tamek is one of six
Sahrawi activists on hunger
strike in prison

Amnesty International has called on the Moroccan authorities to end the ongoing harassment and intimidation of Sahrawi activists, as five of six who have been detained since last October began the fourth week of a hunger strike in protest at their detention without trial.

The hunger strikers are among a number of Sahrawi activists who have faced harassment and intimidation after visiting refugee camps in Algeria administered by the Polisario Front, which calls for the independence of Western Sahara and has set up a self-proclaimed government-in-exile.

One group was beaten with batons at Laayoune airport last Wednesday when they returned to Western Sahara from the Tindouf refugee camps.

The six detainees on hunger strike were among seven Sahrawi activists arrested on 8 October 2009 at Mohammed V airport in Casablanca when they returned from visiting the Tindouf camps in Algeria.

"We are increasingly concerned for the health of these detainees as they continue with their protest," said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty International's director for the Middle East and North Africa programme.

"In fact, we consider them prisoners of conscience imprisoned for the peaceful exercise of freedom of expression, and we are urging the Moroccan authorities to release them immediately and unconditionally."

Five of the six began a hunger strike on 18 March in protest against their continuing detention without trial, and the sixth joined in earlier this week.

Although they are all civilians, they have been referred for trial by the Military Court on charges of undermining Morocco’s security including its "territorial integrity", but six months after their arrest no date for their trial has yet been set.

The six - Ahmed Alansari, Brahim Dahane, Yahdih Ettarouzi, Rachid Sghir, Ali Salem Tamek, and Saleh Labihi, who joined the hunger strike last Monday – are all held at Salé Prison, near Rabat, far from their homes in Western Sahara.

April 9, 2010 | IAJUWS

It has for the first time in the history of Spain a complaint against the sale of arms to a foreign country.

Various legal and social organizations have united to stop the supply of military arms to Morocco.

The Association of Relatives of Saharawi Prisoners and Disappeared (AFAPREDESA), the Human Rights Association of Spain (APDHE) International Association of Jurists for Western Sahara (IAJUWS) , the Asturian Centre of Human Rights for Western Sahara, the Centre Aragones Western Sahara and the Canary Association of Lawyers for Peace and Human Rights (JUPADEHU) presented this morning at the Ministry of Industry, Tourism and Trade a complaint by the export licensing defense equipment, other materials and products and dual-use technology to the Kingdom of Morocco.

It is the first time in the history of our country that a complaint of this nature against the sale of arms to a foreign country. After legal action, lawyers representing the signatories, including the Canary Islands is the legal Inés Miranda-Human Rights Award Human Rights Institute International Bar Association (IBA), Director of IAJUWS and popularly known for being the legal representative of Ms-have been exposed to the press the contents of the complaint and graphic materials that documentan.

The press briefing took place in Madrid on Friday April 9 against the Information Office of the Ministry of Industry, Tourism and Trade at eleven in the morning.

PRESS RELEASE

Legal and social organizations have for the first time in Spain a complaint against the sale of arms to a foreign country

Ask the Ministry of Industry to halt arms sales to Morocco

The Moroccan regime violates all legal criteria for being the recipient of Spanish arms, including the requirement of respect for Human Rights recently claimed that Van Rompuy

The bloody repression of the Saharawi population under Moroccan occupation is leading the legal arguments

The Association of Relatives of Saharawi Prisoners and Disappeared (AFAPREDESA), the Human Rights Association of Spain (APDHE), the International Association of Jurists for Western Sahara (IAJUWS), the Asturian Centre of Human Rights for Western Sahara, the Centre Aragonés for Western Sahara, the Canary Association of Lawyers for Peace and Human Rights (JUPADEHU) and the Spanish Commission for Refugee Aid (CEAR) today launched a complaint against the export licensing of military, other material and products and dual-use technology to the Kingdom of Morocco Ministry of Industry, Tourism and Trade, as this is the competent body to grant or refuse these exports, and to revoke existing authorizations (Law 53/2007 of 28 December 2007).

It is the first time in the history of our country that a complaint of this nature against the sale of arms to a foreign country. According to the complaint, the Spanish government that Law 53/2007 failed to agree on the Councils of Ministers on January 18 and June 27, 2008 the transfer of military equipment to Morocco for the symbolic sum of one euro, without to conduct an analysis of the situation in the area and monitoring the use of weapons delivered.

Law 53/2007 prohibits the sale of arms when there is prima facie evidence that can be used in actions that disturb the peace, stability or security in a global or regional level may exacerbate latent tensions or conflicts, can be used so contrary to due respect and inherent human dignity, for purposes of internal repression or in situations of violation of human rights or may infringe the international obligations assumed by Spain.

Morocco does not comply with the requirements of the Law 53/2007, it consistently fails to respect the human rights of the Saharawi civil population, prevents the resolution set the Law of the Western Sahara conflict, international law fails to take care of law contrary to Western Sahara and does not guarantee stability in the area.

The serious history of human rights violation by the Kingdom of Morocco is known since the time of its creation as a state in 1959, with violent repression in the area of the Rif and the subsequent violent occupation of Western Sahara in 1975. This last fact led to a war that lasted until 1991 when he signed the cease-fire with the Polisario Front and committed to the celebration of the Sahara self-determination referendum for which purpose it was the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). Currently the situation in the area has deteriorated due to the alarming increase in violence and repression against the Saharawi population under occupation and actions contrary to international law, as the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, signed by the North African country- carried out by the Moroccan regime.

This situation of serious violation of human rights in Western Sahara has been found in numerous reports issued over the years, including 2010, by NGOs and prestigious organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Wath, Freedom House Front Line Defenders, the General Council of Spanish Lawyers, Parliament and even the Mission Report of the Office of the High Commissioner of United Nations Human Rights of 2006. In this sense, we must remember that Spain is a State party to the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and, like the rest of the States Parties to the Convention "undertake to prevent" the crime of genocide (Article 1 ), why should refrain from providing the material means with which to carry out an internationally wrongful act. Especially when these illegal acts taking place in a territory to which Spain is de jure administrative power according to the UN.

53/2007 Act also prohibits the sale of arms when conflict with the general interests of national defense and foreign policy of the state, and when violating the guidelines agreed within the European Union, in particular the criteria of the Code of Conduct, June 8, 1998, concerning arms exports, and criterion 5 of Common Position 2008/944/CFSP which requires taking into account the national security of the Member States of the European Union. The complaint notes that during the 11 to June 20, 2002 was developed known as Parsley Island incident, which ended with the military's "Operation Romeo-Sierra", carried out with great deployment of military forces to expel Spanish of Moroccan gendarmes.

The complaint also notes that there is an incompatibility of exports with the technical and economic capacity of the receiving country, as this import of weapons is a serious deterioration to the very economic development of Morocco. The economic and social indicators demonstrate that the North African country does not get out of a situation of severe poverty, with rates of illiteracy, chronic diseases, mortality or food shortages at the height of African countries worse off. Its location on human development indicators and poverty is so low that its HPI (Human Poverty Index) is 31.1 in the world surpassed only by 36 states of the 182 mentioned in the Report of the UNDP (Human Development Report 2009). In the same way that your world as HDI (Human Development) has fallen on Report of ten years ago (1999) where he held the position now occupied the post 126 130. Comparative situation worse if we consider that Morocco is a privileged country in international aid, socioeconomic status, geo-strategic location and natural resources.

In 2007, exported 176,878,243 million euros in 2008, 113,900,260, and the first half of 2009, 29,500,000 million. These figures also undermine the buyer country's economy, help to place our country at number six world ranking of arms sales.

The complaint has also notified the members making up the Joint Board of Foreign Trade Regulatory Material and Dual-Use Defense, among which are the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Intelligence Director General NCC, with the object they are aware of the allegations, never again to allow further sales or transfers of arms to Morocco and repeal existing ones. In the same way, forward the complaint to the political groupings represented in Parliament, the permanent President of the European Union, the European Parliament, the UN Secretary General, his Special Envoy for Western Sahara and the High Commissioner of Rights of the human body, among others.

Read the complaint:    

March 10, 2010 | asvdh

Moroccan police brutally disperse self-determination protest in Western Sahara

Brahim Sabbar

Degna Moussaoui

Neaama Asfari

Yesterday twenty Sahrawi citizens were injured during a violent intervention by Moroccan police to disperse a peaceful demonstration on the main street of the Maatallah quarter in El-Aaiun, Western Sahara.

Dozens of Saharawi citizens, among them human rights activists, were peacefully protesting to demand self-determination for their people, when police intervened in force to disperse them. The Secretary General of ASVDH, Mr. Brahim Sabbar, was injured.

Human rights defender and co-chair of CORELSO, Mr. Neaama Asfari was beaten on the back.

Meriem Mghizlat received heavy blows to her face, her eyes bruised and swollen.

Degna Moussaoui was struck on her mouth and lost some of her teeth.

The human rights militant Izana Amidan had her arm broken.

The Saharawi citizen Hayat Rgaibi is hospitalized as a result of beatings.

The human rights activist Ahmed Hamya and the Western Saharans Ahdi Manna and Dahba Hamdi Nefaa were also injured.

The ASVDH strongly condemns these practices witch affecting the Sahrawi human rights defenders and seek to intimidate and discourage them from doing their work.

In the next weeks, the Security Council will discuss the report of the Secretary General of the United Nations , the ASVDH exploit this opportunity to appeal the UN to expand the powers of its Mission in the Western Sahara to include human rights monitoring and reporting.

February 19, 2010 | Sáhara Today

Ross informed the Security Council attempt to resume dialogue on Sahara

The UN special envoy for Western Sahara, Christopher Ross, informed the Security Council on his efforts to resume the negotiation process between Morocco and the Polisario Front over the future of the former Spanish colony.

Ross explained to the 15 members of the highest UN body in a closed-door meeting the results of the second two-day informal meeting held last week with parties outside of New York, diplomatic sources told Efe.

Those same sources said the special envoy, who met with the Council for almost a year, also explained the efforts it has made in the region since then, and the developments in the territory since the first meeting informal Rabat and the Polisario held last August in Austria.

Ross is scheduled to travel in the coming weeks back to the region to prepare for the possible convening of a third informal meeting, as agreed by the parties at the meeting held on 10 and 11 February in the town of Armonk, about 50 miles north of Manhattan.

February 8, 2010 | IAJUWS

ACTIVIST DETENTION OF SAHARA "HASSANE DOUEHI" in Tiznit (08-02-2010)

THE ACTIVIST Saharans M. DOUEHI HASSANE illegally detained by Moroccan police in the City of TIZNIT at 03:30 HOUR 08 February 2010.

Sahrawi activist human rights defender, M. HASSANE was arrested at dawn today, 08 February 2010, at 03:30 hours of the morning in the town of Tiznit, which had moved to Dolores Travieso Spanish jurists and Julio Vega Representatives of the General Council of Spanish Lawyers to assist the Appellate Trials are held today from 09:00 am, against Saharawi activists: JALIHENNA WARGZIZ, Chah AZMAN, HASAN EL HAIRACH, BAYNAHO FADLI, FAKALAH MOHAMED TAGUIOLAH, SAWAJ YAMAL, Chakra Yahdih, BOUKANIN AZIZ, CHIAHOU HAMZA, Taher Nourdin.

M. Hassane, and the two Jurists International Observers, Dolores Travieso and Julio Vega, were resting in the hotel "Idou" of Tiznit, when at 02:40 pm entered into the same group of 10 Moroccan police circulated the halls taking the same without permit passage of any person, and directly went to the room where we slept the Sahrawi activist M. HASSANE starting to smash the door. The Jurists International Observers, on hearing the shots went into the hall and the police asked what was the reason for his presence there, answering those who had come to "take the Sahrawi activist. Lawyers asked the police officers who identified and identify the reasons why it wanted to take the "Sahrawi activist," and they answered that are not identified, that THEY are the police and sent the crown prosecutor, and proceeded to open the door to the room of M. Hassane, and no information of rights or grounds for arrest, they placed the shackles on his hands and took him away from the hotel.

Finally the police told the Legal Observers that detention was unrelated to the Trials are held this day from 09:00 hours at the Court of Appeal in Tiznit, and M. HASSANE would be released at 13.00 today.

Tiznit, February 8, 2010.

CALL FOR TRIAL:

A. - Court Appeal in Laayoune (Western Sahara - Territories)
Tuesday, 26 January 2010: Appeal against the Trial of Sahrawi activist human rights defender
C. AMAIDAN


B. - Appellate Court TIZNIT (Morocco)
Monday, 08 February 2010: Appeal trial against a group of 10 activist Sahrawi human rights defenders, in the first instance sentenced to 3 to 4 years imprisonment for his participation in the month of November 2009 in the Moroccan city of Assa in concentrations Aminattou Haidar support.
The first session of the appeal trial was suspended on 18.01.2010 for not summoning of Defense Counsel by the Court. We recall that the identification was made on 17.01.2010 afternoon in the prison directly to prisoners.

As always it is important the presence of observers to the new International Jurists Trials, so everyone who can attend are advised to contact:

January 26, 2010 | Human Rights Watchs

Morocco: Lift Travel Restrictions on Sahrawi Activists

    
.

(Rabat) - Morocco should immediately end an effective ban on foreign travel against selected Sahrawi activists, Human Rights Watch said today. Since August 2009, the government has revived this arbitrary and repressive measure, which it had used frequently more than a decade ago but less frequently since then.

According to information obtained by Human Rights Watch, in recent months authorities have turned back at least 13 Sahrawi activists, whose papers were reportedly in order at the airport or land borders, confiscating passports from seven of them, without providing a legal basis for doing so. Authorities have also failed to approve passport renewal applications of at least three other Sahrawi activists, who said they had submitted all of the necessary paperwork weeks and in some cases more than one year earlier for a process that normally takes no more than a few days.

"Morocco is again holding the right to travel hostage to a political test," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "This is reminiscent of the days when authorities arbitrarily provided or withdrew the passports of dissidents at will."

The restrictions on foreign travel are part of a pattern of increased repression against Sahrawis who oppose Morocco's sovereignty claim over the Western Sahara and who favor self-determination for the contested territory. In a speech affirming the new, harder line toward Sahrawi activists, King Mohammed VI declared on November 6:

Now is the time for all government authorities concerned to strive doubly hard, show great resolve and vigilance, enforce the law and deal vigorously with any infringement of the nation's sovereignty, security, stability and public order....Let me clearly say there is no more room for ambiguity or deceit: either a person is Moroccan, or is not....One is either a patriot, or a traitor....One cannot enjoy the rights and privileges of citizenship, only to abuse them and conspire with the enemies of the homeland...

January 21, 2010 | La Provincia. Diario de Las Palmas

'Things are worse in the Sahara'

    Aminatou Haidar, yesterday during an interview in
Gran Canaria Airport, where he took a flight to Madrid
.

Haidar Aminattou be at least two weeks in Madrid and Andalusia for medical checkups and to renew his residence permit.

RUBÉN ACOSTA

- Did you feel in house arrest at his home in Laayoune since the end of the hunger strike so far?

- Yes For 31 days the police have been 24 hours, closing the street where my house and surrounding streets. Nobody can happen, even the family that has the name of Haidar sometimes not have missed them. The three or four times I left the house the police were after me, so much so that I was monitoring feared that imprison me again when I went to the airport or take off my passport as happened to other activists.

- But in the end the Moroccan authorities to let him out without major problems.

- After waiting 15 minutes Moroccan police was instructed to let me out. I'm sure that the authorization came directly from Rabat although officers did not say anything and gave me the passport. The head of airport police and made a call after a timeout they let me board.

- Do you think he can repeat the same problems entering Laayoune as happened last time?

- I am always ready for the worst, especially because now instead of changing Morocco's strategy has prevented other human rights activists out of Laayoune. There are two specific cases of activists who have been unable to leave or not they have renewed their passport and another seven are held in a very tough situation waiting to prosecute them in a military court in Salé prison, facing a possible sentence even death.

- President Zapatero said in Brussels that Morocco is a strategic ally for the European Union and that the Sahara conflict the UN must resolve what you think?

- It is true that the Sahara conflict must be resolved as the UN, but also that the Spanish Government has a responsibility on the case because from the viewpoint of international law the occupying country remains Sahara Spain and the Spanish Legal Administration . So the Spanish government must assume its responsibility in everything that is happening daily to these people who are suffering torture, repression and imprisonment daily. While there is a final settlement Morocco must respect human rights and have to stop the systematic human rights violations of the Saharawi people. Spain has to press now and not yesterday on Morocco to respect human rights and especially now that the Spanish Government chairs the European Union. While Morocco says it has advanced the autonomy statute for the Sahara continues to pursue its strategy of continuous violation of human rights not only against the Saharawi activists but also Moroccans, associations and journalists. The latest Amnesty International report shows that Morocco has not done anything to improve the human rights situation in their territory or in the Sahara, is a step back because the situation is worse and activists who advocate that the human rights are being repressed.

- Given this situation would revert to perform an action such as Lanzarote?

- You can talk about something that has not happened yet. My resistance is peaceful and I have to use many means to vindicate my rights and to denounce not only the hunger strike.

- You think you can reach an armed conflict in the area, as the Polisario Front warned?

- I can not answer because I'm not a member of the Polisario Front. It is the Polisario who must answer that question.

January 16, 2010 | United Nations

The UN Fourth Committee reaffirms the right of Western Sahara to the "determination"

The Committee on Special Political Questions and Decolonization of the UN (The Fourth Committee) has stated, in a resolution passed Wednesday night, that the conflict in Western Sahara is a case of "decolonization" and that therefore the Saharawi people has the "inalienable right" to "self determination".

In a resolution adopted by consensus in New York, the Fourth Committee, recalled "the inalienable right of all peoples to self-determination and independence, according to the principles enunciated by the United Nations Charter in its resolution 1514 of December 14, 1960 , containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.

The resolution warns of "the responsibility of the UN in regard to the people of Western Sahara. It commends the efforts of the UN secretary general, Ban Ki Moon, and his personal envoy for Western Sahara, Christopher Ross, to find a "just, lasting and acceptable to all" to "ensure self-determination people of Western Sahara.

According to the Foreign Minister of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), Mohamed Salem Ould Salek, the resolution is a recognition by the UN that the issue of Western Sahara is "the last colonial case in Africa entered on his agenda decolonization, "according to news agency SPS, next to the Frente Polisario.

January 10, 2010

Why is Polisario does not act against Spain to the UN.?

   Sid Hamdi Yahdih

The Western Sahara issue is a strange case: the Sahara, a country colonized by two powers at the same time. On one hand Spain and Morocco on the other. Under international law, the Western Sahara remained a Spanish colony, and Spain remained the colonial power until the territory achieved full independence Saharawi (UN refused in 1975 to recognize the tripartite agreement between Spain, Morocco and Mauritania. In 2000 the personnel manager of the UN Secretary General issued an advisory opinion saying that "UN has never recognized Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara.)

On the other hand, the other power, Morocco, the Saharan territory occupies a strange way, and consequently, the Sahara is the only country in history that undergoes two colonialism at the same time.

A lo largo de casi treinta cinco años los saharauis no hicieron gran esfuerzo para presionar más sobre España para convencerla de asumir sus responsabilidades hacia el territorio; centraron sus esfuerzos militares y políticos sobre Maruecos y olvidaron la presión sobre el otro colonialismo reconocido por NNUU: España.

The current Spanish now know almost nothing about the historic responsibility of their governments on the Western Sahara. The little I know Spanish, even the younger generations on the theme is' shameful retreat from Western Sahara 1975 "and nothing more.

Leaving Spain alone, over thirty-five, was a tremendous mistake. I think the logic was as follows: Morocco to fight tooth and nail and press on Spain at the UN politically and within Spain itself. Many might say what can they do to put pressure on the Saharawi Spain.?

Pressure on Spain, I mean, not made with economic sanctions and threats, the pressure on Spain is the simplest way to harness the solidarity of the Spanish people to our cause and make him understand that his government still has responsibility, as colonial power on the Western Sahara, and the people really help us a lot of pressure on his government. The sensitivity of the Spanish people about the role that his government still takes on the Sahara - as a colonial power, is absent altogether, and over time will forget the matter entirely between the Spanish. Now, new generations do not care much about Spanish politics, and if not we will double efforts to maintain solidarity, fail to take into consideration our cause.

Now, voices rise and Spanish Saharan say that you should treat Morocco and Spain as two colonialism of Western Sahara. That leads us to refer Spain and Morocco to the United Nations as responsible for the tragedy of the Sahrawi. In my personal opinion, I think the Polisario must formally refer Spain to the Security Council and perhaps colonialism UN organization that clearly recognizes that "Spain is still the colonial power in the territory."

Una denuncia oficial contra España al Consejo de Seguridad, por la parte del Polisario, podría recibir un eco muy importante dentro de la sociedad española, porque la presión del pueblo español puede afectar la política del gobierno en este asunto.

In short, Spain has to Morocco to be like before the UN and Security Council.

Sid Hamdi Yahdih

January 9, 2010

Morocco, Country of Human Rights